Nigeria’s governors are moving to the APC, thereby affecting Nigeria’s political system. The wave of defections is shrinking the real choice for voters and creating a one-party feel in many states.
We don’t need to ban people from changing parties. We need fair, simple rules. Make campaign money visible, keep the referee (INEC) truly independent, stop caretaker abuse, and resolve pre-election cases fast.
1) Anti-defection triggers for seats
The law and party rules should state when an elected official loses a seat after moving to another party, especially lawmakers who won on a party platform. If a member defects and there is no real party split or merger, the seat should become vacant, and a by-election should follow.
Candidates should also sign a clear pledge before the election that they will keep the party seat through the term, except in rare cases. This protects the voter mandate and discourages quick cross-carpeting. To avoid abuse, an independent panel that includes civil groups should confirm any claim of a party split before a seat is declared vacant.
2) Real-time campaign finance disclosure
Move from slow reports to a simple public portal that shows donations and spending as they happen. All campaigns should use one bank account linked to this portal. Every week during campaign season, parties should upload donor names above a fair threshold, amount, date, and what the money paid for.
Limit cash gifts and require ID for large donors. This reduces dirty money and exposes pay-to-play deals. Keep small donors private by using sensible thresholds, and give parties an easy mobile template so compliance is not costly.
3) Stronger internal party democracy rules
Make access to public benefits depend on real internal democracy. Parties should keep credible membership lists, allow independent observers, publish delegate lists, and post results from primaries online within 24 hours.
If a primary is flawed, the answer is to run it again, not to let a court impose a candidate. This reduces imposition and the anger that later leads to defections. To prevent bias, use a rotating audit team from the bar, universities, faith groups, and civil society with one common checklist for all parties.
4) INEC independence guarantees
Reduce political control of the electoral commission. Funding should be stable and automatic by a clear formula that reflects voter numbers and the election calendar, with public quarterly spending reports.
Appointments should follow a transparent shortlist and clear screening rules, and removal should be hard to abuse. After every election, there should be open audits of devices, result portals, and incident logs. This builds trust even if it reveals mistakes. Review funding and tech standards every two years to keep them up to date.
5) Tight rules on caretaker committees
Caretaker committees at the state or party level should be rare and short. Give them a strict 90 day limit, no extension, and a narrow job to run a transition congress. They should not change policy or make mass appointments.
If they exceed the limit, courts should review it at once and apply real penalties. Where tensions are high, set up quick mediation with respected neutrals so the transition can happen on time.
6) Judicial fast tracks for pre-election disputes
Cases about primaries, eligibility, and ballot order should follow a special fast track with clear timelines and trained judges. Courts should merge related suits, use e-filing, keep live cause lists, and punish frivolous cases with costs.
This gives certainty so candidates and voters know final lists early and last-minute court orders do not confuse the public. Speed must not harm quality, so require quick written reasons and allow a limited fast appeal on points of law only.
7) Civic tech dashboards for defections and spending
Make sunlight the default. Build open dashboards that pull data from INEC, budget offices, procurement sites, and courts. Show each politician’s defection history, ward-level project trackers, donor and vendor lookups, and simple alerts when a donor later gets a contract.
This lowers the cost of monitoring for journalists and citizens and raises pressure on all parties to keep promises. Protect privacy for small donors, explain methods clearly, and set up an independent data board to keep the system safe and fair.

